BBC Catalonia profile
BBC.COM consulted 17 September
2015
Proud of its own identity and
language, Catalonia is one of Spain's richest and most highly industrialised
regions, and also one of the most independent-minded.
With a distinct history
stretching back to the early middle ages, many Catalans think of themselves as
a separate nation from the rest of Spain.
This feeling is fed by
memories of the Franco dictatorship, which attempted to suppress Catalan
identity, and is nowhere more clearly expressed than in the fierce rivalry
between FC Barcelona and Real Madrid, Spain's top football clubs.
A roughly triangular region in
Spain's far north-east corner, Catalonia is separated by the Pyrenean mountains
from southern France, with which it has close historical ties.
Most of the region's
population lives in Barcelona, its vibrant political and economic hub and a
popular European travel destination.
Holiday-makers also flock to
the Mediterranean beaches of the Costa Brava and Costa Daurada/Dorada, and the
Pyrenees are popular with hikers, making tourism an important part of
Catalonia's economy.
At a glance
Politics: Catalonia's leader is pushing for a referendum on
self-determination after elections in 2012 backed pro-independence parties
Culture: Catalonia's laws require teachers, doctors and
public sector workers to use Catalan, an official language along with Spanish
Economy: Catalonia is one of Spain's wealthiest but most
indebted regions. Harsh austerity measures have boosted separatist sentiment
History
The area first emerged as a
distinct entity with the rise of the County of Barcelona to pre-eminence in the
11th century. In the 12th century, the county was brought under the same royal
rule as the neighbouring kingdom of Aragon, going on to become a major medieval
sea power.
Catalonia has been part of
Spain since its genesis in the 15th century, when King Ferdinand of Aragon and
Queen Isabella of Castile married and united their realms.
Initially retaining its own
institutions, the region was ever more tightly integrated into the Spanish
state, until the 19th century ushered in a renewed sense of Catalan identity,
which flowed into a campaign for political autonomy and even separatism. The
period also saw an effort to revive Catalan, long in decline by then, as a
language of literature.
beaches attract tourists from
across Europe
When Spain became a republic
in 1931, Catalonia was soon given broad autonomy. During the Spanish Civil War,
Catalonia was a key Republican stronghold, and the fall of Barcelona to Gen
Francisco Franco's right-wing forces in 1939 marked the beginning of the end of
Spanish resistance to him.
Under Franco's
ultra-conservative rule, autonomy was revoked, Catalan nationalism repressed
and use of the Catalan language restricted.
Politics and
language
The pendulum swung back with
the emergence of a democratic Spain after Franco's death. Catalonia now has is
its own parliament and executive - together known as the
"Generalitat" in Catalan - with extensive autonomy.
Until recently, few Catalans
wanted full independence, but Spain's painful economic crisis has seen a surge
in support for separation. Many Catalans believe the affluent region pays more
to Madrid than it gets back, and blame much of Spain's debt crisis on the
central government.
A regional government backed
by the two main separatist parties - in power since snap elections in November 2012 - held an informal, non-binding
vote on independence in 2014, with 80% of those taking part voting
"yes". The Spanish government says Catalonia has no constitutional
right to break away.
The use of Catalan - a
language as close to regional languages of southern France like Occitan as it
is to Castilian Spanish - has equal status with Castilian and is now actively
encouraged in education, official use and the media. However, Castilian
predominates in Barcelona, and is still the first language of a narrow majority
of Catalans, who are nearly all bilingual.
Variants are also spoken in
the region of Valencia to the south, and on the Balearic islands, leading many
Catalan nationalists to regard all three regions- as well as the traditionally
Catalan-speaking Roussillon region of France - as forming the "Catalan
Countries".
Catalonia Calls Election in New Bid for Secession From Spain
BARCELONA, Spain — A year ago,
secessionist movements were all the rage in Europe — until they were not.
After a nerve-rattling
campaign, Scots narrowly voted in
September to remain part of Britain. Two months later, Catalonia’s drive for an
independence referendum fizzled into a nonbinding vote after being thwarted by Spanish courts.
But if Prime Minister Mariano
Rajoy of Spain breathed a sigh of relief that the issue was behind him, he has
reason again to worry.
Catalan politicians have
managed to revive the independence issue. Setting aside personal and political
rivalries, they have formed a broad alliance of candidates whose aim is to turn
a regional parliamentary election scheduled for September into a plebiscite on breaking away from Spain.
Should their alliance secure a
majority in the Sept. 27 vote, the secessionist leaders say they will proclaim
independence within 18 months.
The election, which
was formally called on Monday by the Catalan leader Artur Mas, puts the thorny
issue of Catalan independence back at the top of the national political agenda,
just ahead of general elections expected before the end of the year. If nothing
else, the quick return of the issue has demonstrated that while an independence
referendum may have been previously blocked by Madrid, the grievances that
animate Catalonia’s secessionist drive have yet to be addressed.
Those grievances have
long included a mix of Catalonia’s distinctive language and identity as well as
complaints that the region, one of the richest in the country, has been
economically squeezed to subsidize
poorer parts of Spain.
The pro-independence
coalition in Catalonia, which calls itself Together for Yes, while not
unanimous, is broad enough to present a credible threat.
While Mr. Mas is expected to
remain Catalonia’s regional president should the joint ticket win next month,
Together’s list of candidates is officially led by a consensus candidate, Raül
Romeva, who recently returned to Catalan politics from Brussels, after spending
a decade as a Green member of the European Parliament.
“We have reached a point of no return,” Mr.
Romeva said in an interview. “These are not normal but exceptional elections,
whose goal is to find out whether there is a majority in favor of independence
or not.”
Mr. Rajoy, however,
says his government and Spain’s courts will once again strike down any Catalan
decision that violates the Spanish Constitution. At the same time, statements
from him and his government have grown more threatening.
“Nobody is going to
steal from Catalans their triple status as Catalans, Spaniards and Europeans,”
Mr. Rajoy told reporters on Tuesday. “Nobody will break up Spain in any way.”
Spain’s justice
minister, Rafael Catalá, warned last month that, if Catalonia’s leadership
violates the Constitution, Madrid was empowered to effectively seize control of
Catalonia’s administration and suspend its regional autonomy.
Mr. Rajoy and Mr. Mas
have been at loggerheads for three years. What started as a financial dispute
over the tax contributions Catalonia should make to the rest of recession-hit
Spain has turned into a full-fledged secession battle.
The Catalan leader has
also been emboldened by street protests in favor of independence — the next of
which is scheduled for Sept. 11, Catalonia’s National Day.
Mr. Rajoy and Mr. Mas
have in some ways benefited from feuding about Catalonia’s future, at a time
when both men have been undermined by corruption investigations relating to the
financing of their respective parties.
For Mr. Rajoy, it has
allowed his governing Popular Party to present itself as Spain’s flag-bearer
while highlighting the ambivalence of other national parties toward Catalonia,
notably Podemos, an insurgent far-left party that is competing in its first general election.
But Mr. Mas has
struggled to define his plans for Catalonia, beyond his vision of independence.
“Mas has spent more
time defending the right to independence than explaining what kind of
independence and country he wants,” said Salvador Garcia Ruiz, chief executive
of Ara, a Catalan newspaper that has backed independence.
While Mr. Mas talked
on Monday about leading “an ancient nation that has the right to decide its own
future,” divisions remain even within the pro-independence camp.
Teresa Forcades, a nun
who recently took a leave of absence from her convent in order to campaign for
independence, said in an interview that she opposed the joint list of
candidates under the Together banner because it would allow Mr. Mas to forge
ahead with the kind of public spending cuts that have been part of his conservative
economic agenda.
“You cannot hide the
wallet behind the flag and use this election as if it was an independence
referendum,” she said. “Nobody should forget Mr. Mas is a neo-Liberal
politician just like Mr. Rajoy, with the only difference that he’s Catalan.”
Mr. Romeva, the
coalition leader, acknowledged that asking Catalonia’s 7.5 million citizens to
elect lawmakers based solely on their stance on independence was problematic,
especially at a time of high unemployment and concerns over political
corruption.
“All our attempts to
do things in the correct and most democratic way have been denied and on top of
this with a belligerent attitude of bringing things to court,” Mr. Romeva said.
“Would we have wanted to do it like in Scotland? For sure, but we have now at
least on Sept. 27 the right to vote legally.”
Mr. Romeva said
Catalonia first needed to gain control of its economy before considering how
best to improve it.
As part of their
secessionist plans, Catalan officials have recently talked about setting up an
autonomous Catalan tax agency, based on the fiscal model of countries like
Sweden and Australia.
“These elections
aren’t about presenting an economic program — they go beyond that,” Mr. Romeva
said. “A lot of the things that we want to do and change in terms of social
economy and policies first require gaining resources that we don’t have today.”
But by calling a
Catalan election a year ahead of schedule, Mr. Mas is forcing Catalans to
confront their future without first finding out whether Mr. Rajoy can win
another general election.
In elections in May, Mr. Rajoy’s Popular Party lost control of Madrid’s city hall, as well
as Valencia and other regions that it had long dominated.
Some here clearly
preferred that the Catalan leader had waited.
“It’s not that
Catalonia has reached a point of no return, but rather that we’ve reached a
complete breakdown in communications, which Rajoy has done nothing to improve,
making it also easier for our own politicians to sell the nonsense message that
we’re somehow smarter than the rest of Spain,” said Carlos Rivadulla, the
deputy president of Businessmen of Catalonia, an association of entrepreneurs
who oppose Catalan independence.
“If the Popular Party
doesn’t win the next election,” he added, “I’m sure there will be room for a
new dialogue and to change radically the situation.”
PLEASE ANSWER IN YOUR COPYBOOKS
Comprehension Questions:
1. Briefly describe
the Catalan economy.
2. What
situation has caused the recent surge in support for independence?
3. What is the
aim of the broad alliance of nationalist parties called “Together for Yes/
Junts pel Si”
4. Who is the
official leader of Junts Pel Si? Who will be the President of Catalonia if they
win?
5. Complete the
sentence: “..by calling a Catalan
election a year ahead of schedule, Mr. Mas is forcing Catalans to confront
their future without first finding out…”
USE THE INTERNET AND/OR YOUR PARENTS TO FIND THE
VOCABULARY:
snap elections, non-binding
vote, plebiscite, subsidize, general elections
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